The reputation of Israeli army officers as eminent tactics expert or clever strategists, not always corresponds to the military rank on his shoulders or the glittering medals that look in his chest. The history provides a good example of an astute captain able to hold in check and play with the fate of many generals of Staff in the Israeli Army (IDF).

As is known, Bibi Netanyahu, IDF retired captain, took his first cadence as Prime Minister of Israel in 1996. On that occasion he appointed Yitzhak Mordechai as Defense Minister, General recently retired. At the end of three years, and without notice, Netanyahu dismissed Mordechai from their function.

Mordechai’s reaction was immediate. In a scathing tone he described Netanyahu as “insignificant political, unfit to receive my support and that of the people of Israel. Netanyahu endangered the country to benefit their political interests”. While his smear campaign against Netanyahu helped bring down the government, the candidacy of Mordechai as Prime Minister under the Centre Party ended in a resounding failure and must settle with a ministry of second category (Transport) in the new administration.

It seems that many other generals did not learn the lesson

A surprising and harmonious, though dissociated, media campaign from four retired Chiefs of Staff of the IDF, with devastating criticism of the government of Netanyahu, shook the Israeli public opinion. The unusual onslaught was rated as “Revolt of the ex-generals against Netanyahu and his extremist government” or, “The attack of the generals” or even, “Former members of the highest dome security in fierce attack against Netanyahu”.

Moshe Yaalon and Ehud Barak, also both former defense ministers in Netanyahu’s government over the past seven years, demanded the urgent need to overthrow in a democratic way. Yaalon spoke of a growing split in Israeli society, methodical erosion of fundamental democratic values, attempts to cause damage to the armed forces and demagogic leadership of the country. Barak basically attacked foreign policy and the handling of the conflict with the Palestinians. “Let our way to becoming the old Belfast or Bosnia, even Johannesburg, using a hidden plan into a state of Apartheid, or to a binational state in which Jews would end up being a minority in one or two generations.”

The harangues from general Benny Gantz and Gabi Ashkenazi were less sharp, but no less critical. These senior officers focused on refuting one of the central arguments of the Netanyahu’s campaign for sowing collective fear: Israel is constantly facing an immediate existential danger.

Indeed, the speeches of the four generals closely resemble the “child crying who took away his toy” or “the scream of the Cossack stripped” according to an old Yiddish proverb.

Each and every one of them deserve the greatest admiration and respect for their dedication without limits to the sacred mission of defending Israel. But that does not relieve them of the burden on their shoulders an important, and perhaps decisive, responsibility for the situation of Israeli society and the Jewish people during the cadences of Netanyahu.

Them in person were part of the central mechanism to expand Jewish settlement in the West Bank and the consequent apartheid system. The main tool of this process was based on the actions of the “Coordination Unit of the Government’s activities in the West Bank”, military headquarters commanded by a general under the orders of the IDF Chiefs of Staff and the Ministry of Security. This unit is spearheading protecting Jewish settlers, promotes Jewish civil settlement and maintains by force Palestinians without basic civil rights.

Taken in consideration the cardinal impact on Israel of all matters relating to security, many generals and senior officers of the security services are self-convinced that the people considered them as divine counselors and reverence for their harangues. Over the past decade, Netanyahu showed them that the political arena is far light years from the military battlefield. In a series of lectures, Captain Netanyahu deal with those generals (and other distinguished leaders of his party) as disposable tableware: he used and throw them.

The generals bark, but the Netanyahu’s caravan continues safe on their way to an historic cliff. Israeli society and the Jewish people have the government they choose and deserve. Netanyahu’s behavior: arrogant, ostentatious, haughty, intransigent and overwhelming the weak, is the ideal prototype which aims most of the Israeli society.

As Raviv Druker mentioned, the prestigious analyst Channel 10 TV: “Netanyahu is not in danger of being overthrown. The society can continue playing with expressions “The beginning of the end” and other noncommittal foolishness of this level. In conclusion, according to all polls, still not found a person with popular support who approaches Netanyahu. Most of the politicians want to overthrow, even ministers from his party and government, but there is no alternative”.

Anyway, during the month of October Netanyahu will celebrate its 67 years of life. Would not be entirely unreasonable to assume that suddenly and unexpectedly, or sometime next, Netanyahu could decide to receive the benefits of retirement pension (unknown amount) and social security (US $ 500 per month) as befits every Israeli citizen. Netanyahu probably has in mind the attitude of Menahem Begin, his ideological mentor, who suddenly left the role of Prime Minister arguing that “can no more” after the fiasco of the First Lebanon War.

Just as he used and throw generals, anyone would be surprised if Netanyahu does the same with Israeli society.

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