The politics linked to Israel got a tad more uncomfortable, thanks to the main U.S. presidential contenders.
Last Friday, J Street endorsed Joe Biden’s bid to oust President Trump on Nov. 3, which he readily welcomed. The following night, Trump pounced on anti-Israel attitudes among Democrats with no real coaxing.
Both moves raise disturbing questions. If the former vice president is elected, will J Street prod Biden to make decisions damaging to Israel? To risk quibbling, was Trump’s rant on Saturday night a rebuke of Democrats in general or just a small minority of Democratic members of Congress?
Who knows how J Street’s endorsement will influence a President Biden? Pro-Israel groups are at best suspicious of J Street with some of them classifying J Street as hostile to Israel.
“At a time when the threats to our core values both at home and abroad have never been more serious,” stated J Street in its endorsement, “all of us in the pro-Israel pro-peace community know that the path to a better future begins with defeating Donald Trump at the polls.”
As the Jewish Telegraphic Agency reported his enthusiastic response, Biden said, “I share with J Street’s membership an unyielding dedication to the survival and security of Israel, and an equal commitment to creating a future of peace and opportunity for Israeli and Palestinian children alike. That’s what we have to keep working toward – and what I’ll do as president with J Street’s support.”
Biden is seeking support from more left-leaning voters, mainly those who rallied for Sen. Bernie Sanders before he ended his campaign for the Democratic nomination.
At issue is whether Biden is right about J Street’s “dedication to the survival and security of Israel.” Some advocates for Israel have condemned J Street as an enemy of Israel.
Maybe not, but I never understood the point of J Street’s existence. J Street has frequently criticized Israeli policies. Some of the criticism is correct, some not. An organization such as J Street would have been useful up to 20 years ago when the overriding issue was whether Israel and the Palestinians would get serious about resolving their differences.
In the summer of 2000, Israel offered the Palestinians a plan for an independent state that comprised all of Gaza, part of Jerusalem and 93 percent of the West Bank. It was everything the Arabs needed, but far less than what they wanted. Then-Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat rejected the proposal and the Palestinians have yet to return to the negotiating table.
The Israeli government often deserves criticism, but these evolve from mostly sideshows. Arafat’s rejection of a peace plan left a void in Israeli politics. Right-wingers benefited from the resentment of Israeli voters and they have gone so far as to threaten annexation of the West Bank. Annexation is still on the table with the political deal reached between Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his rival, Benny Gantz.
Of course, the Palestinians might be able offset such a prospect by meeting with Israeli negotiators to discuss a serious agreement.
Trump spent Saturday night changing the subject, as he often does, when a reporter asked him about his tweet questioning if “authorities enforce the social-distancing orders for mosques during Ramadan (April 23-May 23) like they did churches during Easter.”
As JTA reported, Trump affirmed, “I would like to see that.” A few sentences later, he added, “I’ve seen a very strong anti-Israel bent in Congress with Democrats. It was unthinkable seven or eight or 10 years ago, and they’re into a whole different thing. Between Omar and AOC – I say AOC plus three, add them on.
“You have, the things that they say about Israel are so bad,” he continued. “And I can’t believe that.”
The most obvious interpretation is that he was referring to only a handful of Democratic congresspersons, including Reps. Ilhan Omar of Minneapolis and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York City.
Interpretation is not sufficient. Trump could mean anything, and he spews words so often that nobody can be sure what he is talking about.
Trump’s shouting spree leaves open the possibility that Omar and AOC’s conduct reflects on the entire Democratic Party. Most Democrats in Congress are pro-Israel, and have been attacked for holding back on their response to Omar and AOC. They need these representatives to vote for Democratic legislation and help get their candidates elected to the presidency, the Senate and other positions.
It is hard to characterize the J Street endorsement and Trump’s Saturday night verbal dump, but neither move eases the tension over Israel’s future.
Republished from San Diego Jewish World